CHANNELS
Astrology
Bangladesh News
Cartoons
Chanachoor
Diaspora News
DP Roundup
Entertainment
India
Pakistan
Snapshots
Fashion
Catwalk
Snapshots
Food
Eating Out
Glossary
Recipes
Restaurants
India News Brief
Message Boards
Money Transfer
Movies
National Anthems
News Explorer
Offbeat
Pakistan News
People
Sex
Shop On Line
Snapshots
Sports
Unzipped
Urdu News
World News Sites
What's in a Name
MATRIMONIAL Ashirwad.com
Cyberproposal
Desidates.com
Indiacanadamarriage
Indianpartners.com
Matrimoniallink
Rightstuffdating Rishtey.com
Shaadi.com
Shaadionline.com
Southasiansingles Suitablematch.com
IMMIGRATION
IMMIGRATION
NEWS
USA
CANADA
AUSTRALIA
NEW
ZEALAND
JOBS
Dice.com
NetTemps.com
ComputerJobs.com
Kforce.com
Career
India
Monster.com
Naukri.com
CareerMag.com
H1bjobs.com
Jobs
in USA
Jobs
in Europe |
| OPINION |
E-mail
this page |
|
'Oscar-Tango Karachi' |
JUNE 2: For
General Musharraf the worst nightmare scenario has been hurled towards
his
doorstep like an IED (Improvised Explosive Device): Risk setting the
country's tribal belt aflame, or watch the key commercial port city of
Karachi burn.
According to well placed sources,
the chiefs of Pakistan's elite spy agencies the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and
Military Intelligence maintain that the recent bomb attacks near the
US consulate in Karachi were directed not at the US but at Musharraf himself, to serve as a warning that he needs to do
something, and quickly, in the tribal areas, or there will be
continued trouble in Karachi.
Their prognosis is based on the low key response given by the US state
department to the incident. "The target of two car bombs that exploded on Wednesday in Karachi was a privately
run English-language school and not the nearby residence of the US
consul general," a State Department official said in Washington.
Earlier, the
US assistant secretary of state Christina Rocca, in a recent visit to Islamabad at
which the director general of the ISI was present, had expressed concern
over possible trouble in Karachi if operations in the tribal areas did
not go well, says one report.
But the bloodshed of the past few days in Karachi has widely been
attributed to sectarian troubles. In one sense this is understandable,
as the country, and the city, have had considerable such strife: Shi'ite-Sunni
violence since the 1980s has killed more than 4000 people.
It should be noted, though, that after Monday's attack on the Ali Raza Imam Bargah
mosque in Karachi, the Shi'ite Muslim leadership pointedly refused to
apportion blame to any Sunni Muslims.
A top leader of the Shi'ite community,
Maulana Hasan Turabi, said the government had conveniently tried to
label the attacks as suicide, even though no evidence of this had been
found. He said the police do this as the attackers are said to have
been killed and nobody needed to be arrested.
"This (the blast) is
part of the
conspiracy to drive
wedge between Shia
and Sunni Muslims,"
said Allama Hassan
Turabi.
He
also said that when a bomb
exploded in Hyderi
Mosque, he had warned
that the next target
would be a Sunni
cleric or mosque.
"And yesterday Mufti
Shamzai was
assassinated," he
said, "again I warned
that the next target
would be a Shia
personality or
mosque, but they paid
no heed to my
warnings."
Was Turabi pointing to a sinister design by quarter he was unwilling
to name or divulge?
Some observers and analysts squarely
reject a sectarian angle. Instead, they point to the ethno-urban
political group Muthahida Quami Movement (MQM), which is a part of the
government both at federal and provincial level in Sindh. Karachi
happens to be in Sindh, and is the bastion of MQM's power.
They
also claim that the Sindh police, who are under the thumb of the
Adviser for Home Affairs (the MQM's nominee), were culpable through
negligence - at best - in not preventing the attack on Shamzai, even
though they had information that it was likely.
The high-profile pro-Taliban sunni cleric Mufti Nizamuddin Shamzai was killed by gunmen in Karachi
on Sunday.
As a radical Sunni cleric, he had repeatedly called for a holy war
against the United States.
Coincidentally, on the same day Pakistan warned of imposing some form of economic sanctions on the people of
South Waziristan if they did not hand over foreign fighters, and more
paramilitary troops were sent to the areas.
Shamzai's assassination was followed on Monday by a bomb attack on a Shi'ite mosque that killed 22
people. The mosque was less than two kilometers from the seminary
where Shamzai was killed.
On May 7, a bomb killed 23 worshippers and
wounded 125 at the Shi'ite Haideri Mosque in Karachi.
Shamzai's murder had the potential to set Karachi alight, but key
religious figures acted quickly. All the top leadership of the Mutahidda Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), a grouping of six religious parties
that controls the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) assembly (the
province in which the tribal areas are located), traveled to Karachi
for Shamzai's funeral. Also present were the leader of the
opposition in the national parliament, Maulana Fazalur Rehman, NWFP
Chief Minister, Maulana Samiul Haq, and Pakistan's grand mufti, Rafi
Usmani. They all worked to pacify the thousands of mourners, who
included the leaders and workers of numerous jihadi organizations.
The Founder & Leader of Muttahida
Quami Movement (MQM) Altaf Hussain strongly condemned the act of
terrorism at the Shia mosque.
In a statement, Mr Hussain said: "..for
the past one month the persistent act of bomb blasts, terrorism and
killing of innocent civilians and law enforcement personnel was a well
designed and well engineered conspiracy not only to disturb the peace
of Karachi but to portray Karachi as a battleground with a view to
creating a reason to either deploy army in the city, imposition of
Governor Rule, suspend the Sindh Government or impose emergency. By
creating such grounds, the hidden hands in collusion with the
religious extremists and jihadi outfits, want to show the people of
Pakistan, international community, foreign and local investors that
the present Government of Sindh has failed to control terrorist
activities and law and order in Karachi and therefore the federal
government had no choice but to take undemocratic steps to either
deploy army in the city, imposition of Governor Rule, suspend the
Sindh Government or impose emergency to give Karachi in the hands of
the Army..."
The MQM was the
dream of a few Marxian scholars such as Rais Amrohvi, Mohammed Taqi,
John Ailia and Shahanshah Hussain to establish an organization that
could protect the rights of immigrants who chose Pakistan over
remaining in India when the sub-continent was partitioned from British
India in 1947. The All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organization (APMSO)
was the initial reality of the dream. It became established on
campuses in Karachi, and allied itself with the left-wing Progressive
Student Alliance. However, the Islami Jamiat-i-Talaba, which was
ideologically allied with the Jamaat-i-Islami and which had been the
main force on Karachi campuses, expelled the APMSO. As a result, its
founder Altaf Hussain left his studies and went to the US, where he
drove a taxi to earn a living.
At this time in the 1980s, the honeymoon between the Jamaat-i-Islami
and military ruler General Zia ul-Haq was over, and they developed
differences on several national political issues. The sector commander
of the ISI (now retired and still living in Karachi) persuaded Altaf
Hussain to return to Karachi and take on the Jamaat-i-Islami. Altaf
held big rallies and spoke against Punjabis and Pashtuns living in
Karachi. In 1986, a bus driver who happened to be a Pashtun killed a
college girl who was a member of a family that had migrated from
India. The incident was immediately turned into a riot. The MQM was by
now close to many bigwigs in the underworld - it still is - and they
had several Pashtuns killed. Pashtuns retaliated in kind, and more.
Altaf then initiated a drive to sell televisions and video recorders,
the proceeds from which he used to purchase arms and ammunition. MQM
activists now numbered thousands, and they roamed all over Karachi
with AK-47 assault rifles and other sophisticated arms. Later years
saw the MQM turn against Sindhis as well as Pashtuns and Punjabis.
Killings and strikes were the order of the day for Karachi.
In 1988, the MQM won national and provincial assembly elections,
marking the all-out defeat to the Jamaat-i-Islami, knocking it from
its only stronghold in the country.
The MQM then joined hands with the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and
became a partner in the Sindh and federal governments. However, this
participation in government did nothing to curtail its gutter
politics. In the early 1990s the MQM was a part of Nawaz Sharif's
coalition government when its vice president, Saleem Shehzad, now in
exile in London, kidnapped an army major, stripped him and beat him
like a dog. As a result, the first army operation was conducted
against the MQM. However, Altaf fled to the United Kingdom before it
began, and he now holds a British passport.
A second operation was subsequently launched against the MQM,
commanded by a former interior minister in the PPP government, retired
Major-General Naseerullah Baber. This exposed extensive MQM torture
cells and "no-go areas" in Karachi. Scores of MQM activists were
killed in extrajudicial killings by the police.
After Musharraf took over in 1999 in a coup, he helped resolve
differences with the MQM, and now it is a partner in the Sindh
provincial government, as well as in the federal government. Yet it
often remains critical of the establishment, and has the ability to
raise rabble on the streets or call for citywide strikes at the drop
of a hat.
Because of its declared secular nature, the US has traditionally been
closer to the MQM than any other party in Pakistan. Over the years,
thousands of its activists have been given asylum in the US, where the
MQM has a strong presence.
After September 11, the United States identified even more with the
MQM as it was the only party in Pakistan that widely mourned the
attacks on the US, openly condemned the Taliban and al-Qaeda, and
launched a powerful campaign in support of the US attack on
Afghanistan.
Lately, the MQM has been the only party to support the
military's intervention in the tribal areas. Visits by US diplomats to
MQM offices in Karachi have - and continue to be - commonplace.
Knowledgeable quarters say that only US diplomatic intervention
stopped General Musharraf from taking strong action against the MQM after he
received the report on the recent unrest in which the MQM was
implicated. Washington indeed has a powerful ally in
southern Pakistan.
Musharraf is now carefully weighing the alternatives of taking tough
action in the tribal areas, or risking more trouble in Karachi, the
country's commercial center.
Whether he will be able to pull the 'oscar-tango' is to be seen!
More By Irshad Salim:
Chalabi: Now you see him now you don't
Is Bush being ambushed? |
Top
|
|