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Murtaza Bhutto's Murder |
|
By
Fatima Bhutto |
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On September 20, 11 years ago, Mir Murtaza Bhutto, my
father and an elected member of the parliament, was
returning home from a public meeting on the outskirts of
Karachi. He was accompanied by Ashiq Jatoi, Sattar
Rajpar, Shajad Haider Ghakro, Rahim Brohi, Yar Mohammad
Baloch, and Wajahat Jokhio.
My family and I were not the only ones waiting for my
father. There were 70 to 100 police officers placed
yards away from our 70 Clifton residence, including
several high-level police officials. Some of the
officers were in sniper positions in the nearby trees.
The streetlights had been shut, the roads cordoned off,
and the guards of the nearby embassies were told to
leave their posts and retreat within their premises.
As the car carrying my father approached our house, they
were stopped by a police contingent. When my father
exited the car, the police opened fire. All of the seven
men were fatally wounded. My father was shot several
times, but the shot that killed him was fired execution
style on his neck. Ashiq Jatoi was also shot at point
blank range at the back of his head. The victims were
left to bleed without any medical attention – the aim
was murder, after all– under the eyes and ears of the
police officers for half-an-hour to 45 minutes. All of
the seven men were then taken to different locations,
none to emergency hospitals.My father was taken to
Mideast, a dispensary. I lost my father at midnight that
night.
Benazir Zardari was the prime minister at the time. Her
government did not arrest any of the police officers.
Her government chose to arrest all the survivors and
witnesses, two of whom died mysteriously in police
custody. The police remained free.
In time, they were honorably reinstated to their
positions and duly and doubly promoted. The tribunal set
up to investigate my father’s murder concluded that the
assassination could not have taken place ‘without
approval from the highest level of government’. We know
what the highest level of government was then and where
the highest level of government is today but on this,
the eleventh anniversary of my father’s assassination, I
want to talk about the senior-most police officers
responsible for the murder and the various ways in which
they were rewarded for their role in the elimination of
Mir Murtaza Bhutto.
All these men placed themselves at the scene of the
murder. All of these men claimed there was an encounter;
the tribunal concluded forensically that there was no
such thing. It was an assassination. Here are the facts.
Shoaib Suddle was the deputy inspector-general (DIG) of
Karachi at the time of the killing; he was one of the
most senior officers at the scene of the crime. In the
run-up to the American invasion of Afghanistan, he was
promoted to inspector-general (IG) and shifted to
Balochistan where he could facilitate Operation Enduring
Freedom. Mr Suddle was on the fast track for promotion
and after he had secured the Wild West for the
Americans, he was made director-general of the National
Police Academy (NPA) where he chaired the Police Reforms
Committee. Shoaib Suddle, a man charged with murder,
handled the police reforms. He is currently heading the
committee of the NPA that deals with crimes against
women.
Wajid Durrani, alleged to be the coordinator of the
assassination, was the senior superintendent of police (SSP)
District South, Karachi, at the time of the killing. Mr
Durrani, another upstanding member of the police force,
was promoted to additional deputy inspector-general (ADIG).
You may remember him from recent news headlines; he is
now the DIG Traffic of Karachi and is being taken to
task over some recent traffic jams. How just.
Rai Tahir, who stopped the car and allegedly gave the
signal to fire once my father exited the vehicle, was
the assistant superintendent of police (ASP) in Clifton
in 1996. He was promoted to district police officer (DPO)
and moved to the Punjab, where he remains today.
Shahid Hayat was another ASP from the Saddar district.
He was promoted to ADIG, then DPO Thatta, and is now
prowling Jinnah airport as the Deputy Director of
Federal Investigation Agency (FIA). He handles
immigration and passport control.
Agha Jamil was the station house officer (SHO) of the
Napier police station in Karachi and was later promoted
to work under his old comrade at the traffic department
as a deputy superintendent (DSP).
If this reads like a laundry list of police corruption,
that’s because it is.
Shakaib Qureshi was the Superintendent of the Police in
Saddar. Mr. Qureshi absconded from the country illegally
and now lives in London. He is alleged to have been
involved in the killing of Ashiq Jatoi, who died with a
point blank shot to the back of his head. He is
currently working as a lawyer in the offices of Clifford
Chance, a firm which calls itself a ‘truly global’ law
firm and counts as its values ‘ambition, commitment,
quality, and community’. Shakaib Qureshi has never
returned to Pakistan to face the charges against him;
not everyone is fortunate enough to have deals crafted
in their honor.
Masood Sharif was the director-general of the
Intelligence Bureau, which reported directly to the
office of the prime minister. In Pakistan, ‘police
intelligence’ and ‘law and order’ are uniquely ironic
oxymoron. Mr Sharif, once he was honorably absolved of
any guilt by the police department in an internal
review, retired from his post. He was not promoted as
such, but Mr Sharif was absolutely rewarded. He was
given a position on the Central Committee of Benazir
Zardari’s PPP. Only the chairperson of the party, in
this case Mrs Zardari, can induct people into the
hallowed and honorable Central Committee.
These are not the only men complicit in the murder;
they’re just the big guns (no pun).
These facts are all a matter of public record.
Curiosity impels people to ask about the not-so hidden
hand, the highest level of government, so I will answer.
Asif Zardari, lifelong senator and current PPP poster
boy, now lives in New York City in the Trump Towers
apartment complex on Fifth Avenue with his dog
Maximillian. In a somewhat magical move, he has been
given a position on the board of the Oxonian Society,
Oxford University’s networking organization. The
president of the Oxonian society, a gentleman named Joe
Pascal (joe@oxoniansociety.com), introduced Mr Zardari,
who joins CEOs, captains of industry, and Rhodes
scholars, as a ‘Pakistani political prisoner’. Someone
ought to write to Mr Pascal (joe@oxoniansociety.com) and
tell him that murder cases, narcotics cases, and
corruption cases worth billions of dollars do not make a
Nelson Mandela. I know I will (joe@oxoniansociety.com).
Mrs Zardari resides between London and Dubai. She plans
to return to Pakistan in one month’s time and be hailed
as your next prime minister and Gen Musharraf’s new best
friend. Mrs. Zardari is currently being tried in a Swiss
court for corruption. There is also a case in Spain’s
courts against her for corruption – the evidence was
unearthed after the Spanish police were following paper
trails after the 2004 Madrid bombings and came across
some suspicious looking accounts belonging to Mrs
Zardari. Mrs Zardari has numerous corruption cases
lodged against her in her own country. There have been
allegations that she and her partner stole $1.5 to 2
billion from the Pakistani treasury. She’s on her way
back for round three.
Eleven years later and none of the above police officers
were removed from their posts of duty. None of the above
police officers upheld their sworn duty, which is to
safeguard and protect the citizens of this country from
harm.
Eleven years later they have all been rewarded for their
role in the murder.
Eleven years later we have a court case in which the
defense shows no interest because they have no fear that
they’ll ever face punishment for their crimes – how many
men and women were murdered in extra-judicial killings
in Karachi from 1993-1996? Thousands. Check the records.
My father is only one of those victims. They have killed
many more and gotten away with it and they will kill
many more so long as violence is politically rewarded
and injustice is tolerated by the highest levels of the
government.
(END) |
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| (The article first appeared in The
News International) |
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The views expressed herein are the writers' own and do not reflect
those of DesPardes.com |
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E-mail it to:Articles@despardes.com
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The author is Mir Murtaza
Bhutto's daughter. She is a regular contributor to
The News International. She came to fame after the
appearance of her first book, a collection of poems,
titled Whispers of the Desert. She was only
15 years old when the collection was published.
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