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Why Balochistan Matters

By WAJID SHAMSUL HASAN

 
 

London: When Pakistan is nearing what think tanks forecast as the inevitable denouement, its incorrigible military establishment has closed its eyes to the writing on the wall. And since it is condemned by history to repeat its previous mistakes, it has this time chosen what it feels a favorable terrain—Balochistan—(unlike East Pakistan ’s swampy land that its men were not used to fight in)—to establish the Praetorian writ of terror.

It is regrettable that in the typical military mindset, it is the GHQ’s considered view that since there is no 1000 miles of hostile Indian territory in between, Balochistan is contiguous with rest of the country and thus militarily manageable to the extent of eliminating the dissenters whatever their number. Obviously this sort of Nazi-like attitude brings one to the conclusion that the battle to save Pakistan shall have to be fought—sooner or later—in the rugged terrain of Balochistan.

It is feared by experts that the Pakistan’s Praetorian establishment has cast its die when its spokesman General Musharraf had come on record that the Baloch dissenters would not know what hit them followed by literal translation into action of his threat in the cold-bloodied murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti followed by invasion of the province by Pakistan army. The GHQ also believes that since it is the key ally in the war against terrorism, its domestic conflict will be overlooked and ignored by Washington as was done by the American State Department under Dr Henry Kissinger in 1971 when a reign of rape and genocide was let loose on the Muslim Bengalis who had spearheaded the struggle for the creation of Pakistan when Punjabi political elite were playing toddy to the British Raj and were opposed to the creation of Pakistan.

Notwithstanding GHQ’s role in war on terrorism, Islamabad must remember that this is 2006 and not 1971 when geo-political interests were different and Pakistan then was a facilitator and a bridge between the Americans and the Chinese and not part of the problem of terrorism that it is today. Presently it is the epicenter of global terrorism. Footsteps of every Jihadi terrorist lead to ISI or its sponsored terrorist groups. More than five years of General Musharraf’s running with the American hare and hunting with the Mullah hounds, has made the West see through his game of blackmail. Although they keep lip-servicing him and praise his role as their Knight Templar, within the corridors of their policy planners they are actively considering alternate options to deal with an overly centralized Islamabad .

Since West’s larger objective is to democratize and secularize the Muslim Middle East, they are definitely embarrassed to deal with tin pot military dictators and unrepresentative Muslim rulers. In case of Pakistan , they are actively considering two options: either to see Pakistan become a true democracy re-erected on the firm foundations of genuine federalism or to create four independent states on lingual basis.

According to them these are only two options that could eliminate Pakistan ’s role as epicenter of Jihadi terrorism. In the first option, only a strong democratic government implementing true federalism will be in a position to reduce the military and dismantle ISI. However, if the first option fails, then the second one would naturally bring to end the present Pakistan army since the lingual independent states would have their own ethnic armies and its present monolithic existence would be buried for all times.

This brings me briefly to numerous studies by the American and Western think tanks that have either supported restoration of genuine democracy and true federalism or are suggesting its balkanization as the only possible way of eliminating Jihadi terrorism since, according to them, Pakistan army (ISI included) and Jihadi terrorists are like Siamese twins. Latest of such discussions held at the British House of Commons in London (December 4)—has been the second under the aegis of the British Foreign Policy Centre in the recent past besides the series of other similar discussions held at prestigious Chatham House or the IISS over a short period of time.

Readers please note, the British Foreign Policy Forum is a leading European think tank established under the direct patronage of the British Prime Minister Tony Blair to develop a vision of a fair and rule-based world order. Its primary objective is to promote debate about some of the world’s lesser known conflicts and the situation in Balochistan is one such example.
 

 
How sensitive Pakistan ’s GHQ is to such deliberations can be judged from the fact that Pakistan ’s London-based electronic media was issued specific instructions to black out its proceedings and not to mention a word about it in their bulletins. All those Paki journalists who were keen to interview the renowned authority on Pakistan and South Asia —Selig Harrison—were commandeered not to go near him what to talk of seeking an interview of him. The invitation introducing Balochistan described it as the “Kurdistan of Central Asia” and said Balochistan was a crucial element to Britain ’s relations with Pakistan and the Pakistani community in the UK . Does this have a message in it?

It was understandable. None of the speakers except Pakistan ’s Minister of State for Information had kind words for the military rulers. For obvious reasons--the military is quite a good pay master. Baloch leaders, academics and US regional expert Selig Harrison recounted what they called the ‘atrocities’ committed by the military establishment against the people of Balochistan—much on the pattern of its genocide in erstwhile East Pakistan..

The subject of the seminar on “Why Balochistan Matters -- insurgency and the politics of military rule in Pakistan ” was self-explanatory. Pakistani Minister tried to counter the criticism of the army by presenting the institution’s side of the story on Balochistan but ended up provoking the audience. Since he was using the same language, arguments and formulations as being used by General Pervez Musharraf over the last couple of years while defending his Balochistan policies, the majority of the audience was justified in losing patience with the “minister’s harangue.” His remark that Selig Harrison had become outdated was dismissed with contempt since the Minister’s claim to intelligence has never been a known virtue.

Selig Harrison liberally used the East Pakistan example and predicted that Balochistan too would one day demand independence, though at the moment, he said Balochis are only fighting for their legitimate rights as enshrined in the 1973 Constitution. In his opinion, the only way Pakistan can save Balochistan from going the way East Pakistan went was to ensure fair and free elections in 2007 with both Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif allowed to participate followed by transfer of power from the army to the elected parliament.

It is time—especially in Punjab —to lend ears to scholarly authorities like Selig Harrison. He was absolutely right in his observation that separation of Balochistan would have serious implications for the existence of Pakistan . He said that for any negotiated solution the first pre-condition is that the ongoing genocide of Baloch people should stop immediately. He said that the root cause of the conflict is the Islamabad ’s control on all the affairs of Balochistan. He said that for Baloch nationalists Pakistan is synonymous to ‘ Punjab ’. He mentioned about the excessive use of cobra gunship to bombard the civilian enclaves killing thousands, including women and children. He said the tactics of Pakistani army have resulted in deep-rooted hatred among Balochis. He said Pakistan is not declaring how many of its forces are involved in the current operation in Balochistan however the USA intelligence services are suggesting that 6 army brigades are carrying out the operation. He said that many credible sources including HRCP have clearly mentioned the indiscriminate bombing of Baloch civilians. He said no local or international journalist is allowed to go in the areas under military operation; therefore, the situation is not clear.

However, unlike 1971 Baloch fighters are better equipped. He said that the Pakistan army has tried to divide Baloch people and leadership but without much success. He said that currently there are no signs of support of India , though Pakistan has made repeated claims, however India might get attracted if Baloch and Sindhi nationalist forces join hands. He said the possibilities of a conflict resolution would only arise if general Musharraf goes, military leaves Balochistan, a democratic government is in place and the talks are made with the genuine leadership of Baloch people.
 
The views expressed herein are the writers' own and do not reflect those of DesPardes.com
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The author is Ex Pakistani High Commissioner at the UK
His email address is w.hasan@virgin.net

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