The idea of raising Dubai-like cities on two islands near Karachi is funny. Up north we have had an agreement with the Taliban in North Waziristan; in the Punjab, we have the son of the top political man who, if reports are to be believed, subscribes to a Wahhabi ideology. General Pervez Musharraf is worried that the Taliban are becoming a movement and a clear and present threat. In the midst of all this it is “interesting” to think of creating a Dubai.

Karachi used to be quite a city and the centre of tourist attention for many rich vacationers from the neighboring countries. That is a thing of the past. After the rise of religious fundamentalism in Pakistan in the mid-seventies, not only Karachi, but other prime tourist spots in the country also started losing attraction for the foreigners. The decline in tourism in Pakistan almost synced with the oil boom and the extremely liberal policies adopted by the Gulf Sheikhdoms, which attracted people from across the world. Dubai and other such cities in the Gulf replaced Karachi and Beirut, the latter having been destroyed by the Israeli invasion and the subsequent civil war.

Oil boom was important but it wasn’t the only factor. Just that did not create Dubai or it would have also “created” a new Saudi Arabia, arguably the biggest oil producer. Similarly, Iraq and Syria could not compete with the Gulf States for attracting the tourists and world’s financial markets. In all such cases moribund ideology and/or wars were the main obstacles. It was a combination of political stability, peace and extremely liberal policies that gave birth to the trillion-dollar cities in the Gulf.

Unfortunately, Pakistan lacks all that which can attract the outside world whether as tourists or investors. The rise of religious fundamentalist to the point where the entire ruling class has embraced theocracy in one way or another, the ongoing ethnic and sectarian violence, and war-like conditions on almost all borders, mean Pakistan can only compete with Afghanistan, not with the Gulf States.

Indeed, Pakistan cannot even compete with Egypt even though the latter is caught in its own vortex of political and social disorder. Still, some degree of liberalism allows Cairo to sell its historical significance very successfully. According to a WTO report, Egypt is earning about US$11.5 billion annually, more than Pakistan’s total foreign exchange earnings.

Pakistan is equally endowed with rich and unique historical sties, like Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Texila and many other such locations. Pakistan houses most of Sikhism’s sacred places that millions of prosperous Sikh expatriates would love to visit and spend billions of dollars on. Pakistan has breath-taking northern areas with their ancient culture and the mysterious silk route that can attract hordes of Western visitors. But tourists and visitors are not merely interested in the places they value; they also value the environment surrounding such places, the ambience, the social values of tolerance and so on. Pakistan presents a hostile and suffocated environment.

It is ironic that Pakistan has supplied most of the labor and technical expertise for the development of the Gulf attractions. Pakistanis have provided such services to Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia where jungles have been turned into cities. But their expertise cannot be utilized in their own country. And, now, Pakistan’s new rich are providing finances to the centers its labor and technicians helped construct. But they are unwilling to invest in their own country due to their self-created troubling environment.

The rise of theocracy in Pakistan is the primary reason for creating an environment that repulses the foreigners and even its own people. One would expect that Pakistan’s ruling classes would be upset and try to fight it, if for nothing else than for their own economic interest. Not so. On the contrary, the ruling classes have abetted such an ideology.

Besides the religio-political MMA, all Muslim League groups have facilitated the injection of theocracy in Pakistan’s constitution and its justice system. Some observers note that it is not a coincidence that the chief ministers of three provinces are practicing Deobandis. As mentioned earlier, the son of one of the chief ministers, accompanying General Musharraf to India, pulled his father back when the latter was about to kiss the grave of a great saint in India. The chief minister obliged his son with sinful eyes. This episode reflects the extent to which literalist theocracy has penetrated the body politic of Pakistan and its ruling classes.

One of the main reasons the ruling class joined the mullahs has been that the environment has been very conducive for the rich to become richer. Again, it is no coincidence that most of today’s millionaires and billionaires came into being while religious fundamentalism was on the rise. In the new theocratic environment, while the traders, industrialists, and speculators were provided with hostage markets without competition from foreign capital, the feudal elite was given an unprecedented protection under the Hudood laws to hunt the poor.

Even PIA and other airlines from the Gulf States have benefited from this hostage market created under certain ideological conditions. The Western carriers do not come to compete due to the unfriendly environment. That is why the two-way return airfare between Washington-Tokyo, a 14-hour flight, is about $650 while PIA charges double the amount for the same distance. Therefore, whether it is PIA or other business sectors, no one is interested in improving the socio-political environment. As a matter of fact, Pakistan’s ruling classes can enjoy their market monopoly if Pakistan continues to remain in the clutches of the clergy.

Therefore, no one should get excited or be worried about any Dubai-like city in Pakistan.

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