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Bugti Had Asked For It |
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By Muhammad Abd al-Hameed |
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Akbar Bugti had asked for it. He always thrived on
blackmail. This time he raised the stakes too high—and lost.
He was a frog that believed his well was an ocean. Within
days of the fall of Dhaka in December 1971, he declared that
"Pakistan will cease to exist within 18 months." He hoped
Indira Gandhi would come to his help to create another
country and make him its king.
He had to wait 35 years before an unholy alliance emerged to
help him realize his dream. The intelligence agencies of the
U.S., India and Afghanistan conspired to destabilize
Balochistan, with each having its own objective. The U.S.
wanted to create enough chaos to prevent our government from
stopping covert operations into Iran if and when the
Americans decided that the time had come. (Iran has many of
its nuclear installations near our border to keep them as
far away as possible from Israeli air strikes.) India is
always keen to create trouble for us whenever it can. And
anybody can rent the Afghans.
Methodical response: Big money poured in. So did
weapons. Akbar, along with Marris and Mengals, formed
"Balochistan Liberation Army" and hired mercenaries for
subversive activities all over the country, mostly in
Balochistan. A strong media campaign was started to project
the subversion as a "struggle for the rights of the
oppressed Balochis." The hired guns in the media and
politics raised the specter of "another Bangladesh." The sky
was about to fall—or so they claimed.
Rather than taking any knee-jerk action, the government
moved methodically. It traced the sources of money and
weapons and started blocking them. The farari camps were
demolished as soon as located. India was given a message
that it was a game that both can play.
The turning point came when conclusive evidence of
subversion was shown to the U.S. President during his visit
to Islamabad. The American intelligence was reined in,
fearing that Taliban could be given a free hand if it was
not done. The Indians received a few spectacular messages
that forced them to back off. And Hamid Karzai stopped his
adventurers for fear of serious consequences.
The sabotage activities, which the New York Times
correspondent in Kabul glorified as "civil war," started
petering out. (However, the money and the weapons in the
pipeline continued to work at a low level). Akbar read the
writing on the wall. He was too arrogant to surrender but
also had little hope of any success. So, he prepared his
exit strategy.
Murderer fears death: Akbar, a cruel and murderous
person, found it easy to kill others. (He committed his
first murder when he was just 12 and killed many more
afterwards. He was also jailed for one.) But he did not have
the courage to face death himself. If he had an element of
bravery, he would have stayed right in his home in Dera
Bugti and declared that he was not going anywhere, even if
he was killed. His escape to nearby mountains was just
bravado and an attempt to create a positive image in the
media, particularly abroad.
It is significant that he moved into a secret hiding place
near Kohlu, many kilometers away from his home area. It is
also significant that he had with him 100 million rupees and
96,000 dollars in cash and two satellite phones. The money
was not for his mercenaries because he could not handle
personally the day-to-day operations over a vast area, nor
could he allow many people to visit him for fear of exposing
his secret hideout. There was nothing else to buy in the
desolate desert.
The only possible use of the money for Akbar could be to buy
his way out of the country. (The sons of Saddam Husain, when
they were killed, also had a million dollars in cash with
them in their hiding place in Mosul. They too wanted to buy
their way out, to neighboring Syria.)
Akbar was waiting for his men to arrange for his escape to
the Makran coast and from there in a launch to the long
coast of Oman, where he could get refuge. (Oman owned Gwadar
until 1958 and has a substantial Baloch population. It has
very close relations with the U.S. and U.K.)
Oblivious to difference: Our media and politics have
the largest number of warped minds among all professions.
They are oblivious of the difference between somebody being
anti-government and anti state. Opposing the government is
perfectly legitimate activity. (In that case too, strikes,
processions and other disruptive activities for political
purposes are not permissible in any democratic state).
Violence in any form, destruction of vital installations,
bomb blasts in urban areas and attacks on security forces
are anti-state actions, not political activities.
Akbar had been anti-state all his life. He never did
anything that could be interpreted to be in the national
interest. He boycotted the use of the national language for
quite some time only to show his hatred for the nation. He
became the Governor and later the Chief Minister of
Balochistan only for selfish reasons. As Governor, he did
not resign in protest against the military action by Z A
Bhutto in his own province. Instead, he gave it his full
support because he wanted his bitter rivals, Marris and
Mengals, to be crushed.
His always used rebellious behavior and violence to
blackmail the successive federal governments for money,
besides satisfying his enormous ego. (This money was never
spent on the welfare of his people.) However, to camouflage
his selfish motives, he would talk of "the rights of the
Baloch people" and "the provincial autonomy." The weak-kneed
federal governments would give in and he would end up
getting more money and benefits.
What "rights," what "autonomy?" By "the rights of the
Baloch people," he meant that all natural resources in the
province belonged to the Balochis. Now, nowhere in the world
the provinces own the natural resources. Even an individual
finding something in his own land has to surrender it to the
national government. It is always the national government
that exploits the natural resources in the interest of the
entire nation. (If we go by his logic, Punjab should own all
major rivers because they happen to pass through it and
other provinces should pay royalty for every drop of water
they take. The reality is that the other provinces do not
allow even storage of river water in the Punjab and produce
electricity from it.)
The natural gas in Balochistan was the major source that
Akbar claimed belonged to his province. The payment of
royalty on this gas (as well as electricity in NWFP) was the
result of sheer blackmail—again for money. Bhutto had no
MNAs of his party from the two provinces and hence could not
give credibility to his constitution without the support of
NAP that was in majority there. (Akbar too was a part of
it.) NAP asked for royalty and Bhutto readily agreed. (After
all, it was to be paid mostly by the Punjab, being the
biggest consumer, for whom he had no love, despite coming
into power primarily with its support.) Is it not curious
that royalty is paid only on two natural resources and that
too despite the fact that the federal government makes
entire investment on production and distribution of gas and
hydel electricity?
As for the provincial autonomy, the smallest provinces (NWFP
and Balochistan) could get it right when the constitution
was being discussed. They could ask for the deletion of the
Concurrent List that gave legislative powers jointly to the
federal and provincial governments so that the provinces
could get all powers in the list. But they were more
interested in money than autonomy. Hence they settled for
royalty.
Up against a strong will. Akbar Bugti had always
succeeded in his blackmail. Bolstered by the money and
weapons from the intelligence agencies of the U.S., India
and Afghanistan, he raised the ante too high. He might not
have much hope of success in secession, but he certainly
intended to drive a very hard bargain for more money and
perks, with a high hope of success. (Zafarullah Jamali, as
Prime Minister, had rushed to Dera Bugti to pay his
respects, while others were also keen to placate him.)
However, he failed to realize the determination of the man
he was up against. You can reason with President Musharraf.
You can convince him with your arguments. But there is just
no way to challenge him and expect the former commando to
back down. Akbar had to surrender and give up his anti-state
actions before he could ask for anything.
The chain of events. What happened during the last
days of August can be understood if we ignore the
distortions and hallucinations of the warped minds. The
facts are reasonably obvious. According to newspaper
reports, Akbar was out of touch with his favorites in the
media for the previous two weeks, after leaving for his
secret place.
On August 23, two helicopters were on a reconnaissance
mission in the area. Akbar's guards got panicky, fearing
that their sardar's hideout had been discovered and they
were now under attack. They fired heavily and one of the
helicopters was damaged. Another helicopter was sent to the
spot to confirm the existence of a farari camp. It got still
stronger fire and was also damaged. That led the law
enforcement agencies to conclude that there was "a high
value target" there and they decided to take ground action.
(It is also possible, as a theory goes, that the Marris
finally took their revenge for his excesses against them by
exposing Akbar's location with their firing.)
On learning from persons outside that Akbar was inside the
cave, the army officers sent a Bugti guide in. Presumably,
he informed Akbar that he was surrounded and that army
officers wanted to talk to him. Realizing that resistance in
this situation would be futile and an exchange of fire would
end in his certain death, he agreed to let them in. It was
then that the army officers entered the cave. Before going
in, they obviously ensured that there was no firing from
their side because that would have endangered their own
lives.
There was no reason to kill Akbar Bugti. The law enforcement
agencies knew quite well the likely consequences of his
death. If there ever was any intention to kill Akbar, it
could have been done long ago. When journalists and
politicians were going on sponsored visits to him, it was
not difficult at all to locate and kill him. So, his arrest
from his cave would have served the purpose by destroying
the morale of his mercenaries. Why get the blame for the
murder of a 80-year-old sick man already nearing his end?
Moreover, Bhutto was enough of a lesson for all times.
By sheer coincidence, the cave collapsed precisely when the
army officers were just inside it. Some explosive device in
the cave detonated accidentally. The officers, as well as
those on the other side, were all killed. As an expression
of poetic justice, the very land that Akbar claimed as his
own, buried him alive.
Why do the warped minds not accept a plausible explanation
of what had happened? If they do, they cannot blame the
government. And they thrive on accusations, criticism,
cynicism. No wonder, they twist, distort and misinterpret
whatever does not suit them. It is not surprising that they
have been calling the rebellious acts of Akbar as "political
activity" and clamoring for negotiations with him. They do
not realize that no government talks to the openly
rebellious. There are never negotiations and no compromise
with those who go for sabotage and subversion. No state
treats the secessionists kindly.
What next? What will happen next? The doomsayers have
a standard mindset; they always predict "more of the same"
because they presume things to remain as they are. The hired
hacks will continue to cry hoarse in protest for some more
days. The petty politicians will continue to fish in dirty
waters, egged on by Akbar's family that has been banished by
its own tribe. Then calm will prevail, with the remaining
mercenaries also surrendering.
Meanwhile, the process of big changes will continue. The
reality is that Balochistan is already transforming itself.
Among many others, there are three major developments:
a) Law and order. The sardars will no longer control
law and order and the judicial system, as they had been
doing since the British colonial period. They used to
recruit levies that served as their police and would decide
cases the way they liked. The police and courts used to
cover just 5% of the province, called A area, while the rest
was B area. President Musharraf is the first ruler to have
the determination to enforce the writ of the government all
over Balochistan, which is almost half of the country's
area. Under a phased plan, over half of the districts are
already in A rarea. The rest will be covered soon. Sardars
will no longer control life and property of their tribes.
b) Development projects. The major highways, starting
from Gwadar in all directions, are opening up the province,
facilitating internal movement for isolated tribal people,
promoting trade, (especially regional), making easier the
exploration for oil, gas and other mineral resources and
increase industrial development. Then there are mega
projects worth Rs 135 billions. As a result, there will be
jobs many times more than the entire adult population of
Balochistan.
c) Agriculture. A large number of small dams are
being constructed, with a total water storage capacity twice
that of Tarbela Dam. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of
presently barren land will come under cultivation. Those who
have been nomads and shepherds for centuries will become
farmers for the first time.
The current developments will bring about the greatest
transformation of the region where Mehergarh was the first
cradle of civilization 10,000 years ago. The tribal system,
with champions like Akbar Bugti, will find itself in the
dustbin of history. And the petty minds that talk today of
"nationalities" will meet the same fate as that of the
Soviet Union that had inspired them in the first place. As
for the countries that conspired to support the insurgency
will have back home far bigger problems than they had tried
to cause for us. But that is another story. |
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The views expressed herein are the writers' own and do not reflect
those of DesPardes.com |
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Have Your Say > |
Alamzeb Khan, Peshawar, Pakistan
I do not have any sympathies for Bugti or for NAP but the
article is surely a govt. sponsored one. The writer has made
every endeavor to please the Govt., Musharraf and Punjab.
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Waqas Ahmed, Paris
Sir, I am an engineer in France Telecom, and I am actually
from Baluchistan. I am in total agreement with you on what
you have written, you got to see how these culprits used to
move around in Quetta -big machine guns installed in front
of Bugti's residence- in order to believe the backwardness
of Baluchistan and the damage these warlords have done to
our country. President Mr. Musharaf is doing great in
starting up this clean-up mission, I hope it doesn't stop
here, there are many more culprits who are sucking the blood
of our country. I congratulate you on writing such a
wonderful article.
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Crystal Davidson, USA
This article shows same sick mentality of PUNJABI-PANAHGIR
right wingers or of their stooge that represent sick
establishment of Pakistan. In other words exploiter of other
Pakistani nations i.e. Sindh, Baloch, Seraiki and to some
extent Pathans. Pakistan belongs to every one, not to
rightwing Pubjabi-Panahgir who want to impose themselves and
their language over others. You exploiters , leave Pakistan
alone.
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Aftab Alam Advocate (High Court) Swat, Pakistan
Bugti was anti Islam, anti Muslim, anti Pakistan, anti
Pukhtun, anti cousins, anti poor, anti Baloch, anti
Pakistanis, anti democracy & anti humanity. Thus by making
him (Bugti) history, President Musharraf made history! It
will coach manners to all the anti Pakistani elements,
whether they are in clerical lot or in secular pack.
President Musharraf's name shall be written in gold, given
his policies in Balochistan for liberating the poor masses
of Balochistan. Let the opposition bark, the caravan shall
advance forward. |
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E-mail it to:Articles@despardes.com
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Muhammad Abd al-Hameed is an IT specialist, a
consultant on information and telecommunications
technologies in Lahore, Pakistan.
Other article by same author:
In Defense of Punjab
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